When the forthcoming 12th parliamentary election is knocking at the door, an assessment of Bangladesh’s democracy by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in the cover story of the globally renowned Time Magazine came to my mind.
Though the regular observers know what’s going on in Bangladesh, let’s take a look at the context before starting any discussion on what she said and why this appeared in my mind.
Amid a huge discussion on Jatiya Party secretary general Mujibul Haque Chunnu’s electoral poster where he was mentioned as an “Awami League-supported” candidate, the issue of publishing an enlarged photo of the prime minister rather than the party chairman GM Quader in the posters of former army General Masud and Ruhul Amin Howlader died down.
These incidents have been taking place at a time when we heard some of the Jatiya Party leaders claiming their party has matured. They drew this “matured” analogy to reject the discussions on sharing seats between the government and the Jatiya Party.
We also heard them saying that since the number of anti-incumbency votes is greater than the votes of the ruling party, Jatiya Party would go to power like the voting revolution in 1991 if the election is fair.
The Jatiya Party secretary general, Mujibul Haque Chunnu, even denied a series of night-time discussions on sharing seats with the governing party maintaining secrecy.
This is ludicrous that the party that was dreaming to be the opposition in parliament has at last compromised or coordinated with the ruling party. After 17 December, we came to know that due to negotiations with JaPa, the ruling camp withdrew their candidates in 26 constituencies. However, the parties involved did not use the word “compromise”, rather they said this was a coordination.
But the question has been raised whether it would be possible for the JaPa to exist as an opposition, let alone assuming power beating a number of heavyweight and “independent” or “dummy” candidates supported by the government.
Members of the 14-party alliance, and two new parties – Trinomool BNP and BNM – are among the other contestants in the election slated for 7 January. Despite negotiations for an extended period, the ruling party relinquished only six constituencies for them but the candidates of those parties have been facing stiff challenges from Awami League’s independent candidates.
When the election commission gave registration to the Trinomul BNP and BNM, ignoring several already established political parties, it became clear that these are the ‘king’s parties’ this time.
Though the two parties time and reiterated that a number of big leaders of BNP will join them soon, at the end of the day this was proven to be nothing but a tall talk.
By this time, it has become clear that what is going to happen on 7 January is nothing but a formality of how many constituencies the governing party will retain, and relinquish how many seats for the party’s independent candidates, for the 14-party alliances, for the BNM and Trinomool BNP and above all the Jatiya Party.
That means, there is not a single party in the election that could pose a challenge, even if theoretically, to the government’s returning to power. People who know only the ABC of democracy also know the party that cannot challenge a governing party’s staying in power, even in theory, is not an opposition in democracy.
At this point, let’s review some of the fundamental characteristics of China’s political system.
We surely know incumbent US president Joe Biden organised the Democracy Summit to fulfil his electoral pledge. But the most interesting thing centering the summit was China’s publishing of a white paper on democracy. In the “China: Democracy That Works” white paper, the country tried to prove in different ways that China is a distinguished democratic country. This document elaborated how the National People’s Congress (NPC) legislates a law. It also informed us that the China Communist Party (CCP) is not the only one political party in the country, there are eight more political parties there and independent members too.Out of the 2,980 seats at National People’s Congress, Xi Jinping-led Chinese Communist Party holds a little more than 2,100 seats while the remaining seats are belong to those eight “opposition” parties and independent members. That is why there is a scope of discussion in length, the document claimed.
The white paper also informed us that the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) consists of experts, who are party members, and from various “independent” think tanks. It said about autonomy of regions where people of different ethnic communities reside, and there is scope of “electing” people’s representatives at the village level.
The ruling party finds the people’s scarcities, complaints and grievances through the party channels. At the same time, the people could inform their local representatives of their problems and this could reach the top level of the government gradually. Besides, they can inform the authorities of their problems through social media. This is how they have ensured an “effective democratic system”.
This Chinese white paper tried to harshly criticise the electoral system, the fundamental basis of democracy.
However, an important information is that though the other parties are the “opposition” in the Chinese parliament, they work following the lead of the Chinese Communist Party. That means though they “criticise” the government to some extent, but that never challenges the government’s staying in power. Probably this is what we call “domestic” opposition in our country.
It seems if the 12th parliament is formed and the number and type of political parties indicate that work is in progress to implement the China model in Bangladesh. If we add with this the attempt to destroy the BNP’s minimum possibility of joining the election through unparalleled oppression in the history of Bangladesh since 28 October, it becomes clear that this model is well-planned.
The ruling party somewhat holds a belief if they can stay in power for one or two more terms BNP as a party will no longer last this united and strong, so the government will not be in least trouble to continue this model.
The China: Democracy That Works whitepaper states whether a country has a democracy or not cannot be determined by the standards that are set by others.
The model of democracy will be determined by accepting world geography and racial difference. China has said these and become such a desparate to prove themselves democratic, and they say if needed be the definition of democracy must be changed.
The prime minister’s evaluation of democracy in Time Magazine reminded me the China’s whitepaper on democracy.
When Time interviewed prime minister Sheikh Hasina she said “Democracy has a different definition that varies country to country.”
Recently, evidence was also seen that the future political model of the country is planned to many extents.
Explaining the prime minister’s theory on definition of democracy varying country to country, Obaidul Quader said recently, “We are going to introducing Bangladesh’s Westminster model of democracy under a new strategy. We are going to take a new experience, show the world that it is also democracy with popular opinion.” (Sarabangla, 26 December)
There is one difference between the China model and that of Awami League. In Bangladesh, officially speaking, all the citizens are still having voting rights. They ostensibly have the power to elect their government through votes. In China, not all the citizens have this right. This only lies with the party.
Who doesn’t realise it is much better to carry on one’s rule of the country with a semblance of multiparty political system in the constitution and legally, rather than constitutionally bear the smear of a one-party state. Rather than officially donning the decried one-party system, this is certainly a much smarter strategy where you can enjoy its benefits without bearing the bad name.
